During the lifetime of Karl Marx and Friedrich
Engels, they gathered about themselves a large number
of followers or disciples.
They also projected into the minds of these
disciples a particular teaching that came to be
known as Communism.
With the death of Marx in March 1883
and Friedrich Engels in 1895, the teachings of
Communism seemed to be doomed according to historians.
However, this is everything but so.
The particular doctrine that Marx and Engels left
their disciples went something like this.
Marx had taught his followers that a revolution
was coming.
Because of the conditions of the working class
in his days, he said these conditions would
produce in time a revolution.
This revolution would be violent and would destroy
the ownership class called the capitalist.
And the workers then could take everything for
themselves.
This coming revolution, Marx taught, was to be
a natural thing.
It would naturally produce itself.
It would occur when conditions amongst the workers,
called the proletariat, had reached a certain peak.
For example, like water, under heat, when it
reaches a certain point, it begins to boil.
So Marx taught his disciples that at a
certain point in the history of the working
class, the revolution would automatically come.
He told them it was an inescapable fact
of history.
The revolution was coming.
There was nothing they could do to speed
it up or nothing they could do to
slow it down.
It was coming naturally, spontaneously, and automatically.
And this, in essence, was the basis of
Marx's teaching left to his disciples.
As a result of this and the death
of Marx and Engels, the followers of these
two said, well, the revolution is coming.
Let's just wait for it.
There's nothing we can do to hurry it
up, nothing we can do to slow it
down.
And they waited patiently as time ticked by
for this Marxist-styled revolution to naturally occur.
But friends, something happened.
History played a very dirty trick on the
philosophy, the doctrine that Marx and Engels left
their forlorn disciples.
The revolution did not come.
They waited for it from about 1848, when
Marx wrote the Manifesto, right on up to
his death in 1883, and they waited for
it at the turn of the century, in
the 1900s.
But the long-sought-for, looked-for, spontaneous
revolution, the destruction of the ownership class, with
the worker taking everything, did not occur.
Poor Marx.
History played a dirty trick on the philosophy
that he left his disciples.
It is at this point that another patriarch
of the Communist Party steps into the scene,
a man called Lenin.
V.
I.
Ulyanov was born April 22nd, 1870, in the
Volga river town of Simbersky in Russia.
Ulyanov, being his true name, Lenin was a
name he selected.
Every genuine communist has many names.
V.
I.
Ulyanov, later on, was to become famous under
his revolutionary name, V.
I.
Lenin.
He chose this name when smuggling banned literature
into Russia.
He wrote books, pamphlets, and tracts under this
name, V.
I.
Lenin, and many of them passed the eyes
of the Tsar's censors, without knowing it was
the revolutionary name and the revolutionary literature of
V.
I.
Ulyanov.
Lenin's father was a school inspector.
His mother, a Lutheran, a music teacher, and
the daughter of a German doctor.
There were six in Lenin's family.
In examining the background and lives of the
outstanding persons in history, which persons have been
used in areas of deceit and heartache and
devastation and mass genocide, if one will examine
their lives, they will always find some special
boyhood experiences that had effect on these lives
until they were finished.
V.
I.
Ulyanov or Lenin, the man called Lenin, is
no exception to this rule.
At the age of 16, young Lenin overheard
a conversation taking place between a priest of
the Russian Orthodox Church and his father.
Lenin was in a back room listening at
the door.
The priest had visited the Ulyanov home, querying
as to why the Ulyanov family, and especially
young Ulyanov or Lenin, had not been attending
the services in the local Russian Orthodox Church.
Lenin heard his father discuss with the priest
the difficulty he was having getting young Ulyanov,
that is, Lenin, to attend the services.
Finally, Mr. Ulyanov spoke to the priest these
words.
What can I do, priest, to get my
son Zelitymyr back into the church?
The priest answered these fatal words.
Beat him, beat him, and beat him.
Soon we will beat him back into the
church.
Young Lenin heard these words, and I will
read to you his own statement as to
his reaction.
He says, quote, I ripped the cross from
my neck.
I spat upon it.
I threw it to the floor and ground
it under my feet.
I freed myself from the curse and the
notion of religion and God forever.
End of quote.
Listeners, one wonders what the reaction would have
been if a true man of God had
visited the cabin of Lenin's father.
Would there have been a man called Lenin
if there had been a true man of
God who, speaking to Lenin's father, could have
said something like this, We must pray for
young Zelitymyr.
We must show him the love of God.
We must present to him the way of
Christ in patience, love, and understanding.
But alas, this Russian Orthodox priest, typical of
so many, was not so.
In bitterness, young Lenin heard and received these
words.
And with this experience, he ripped the cross
from his neck.
And the world had a man called Lenin
upon its hands.
At the age of 17, his older brother
Alexander was hanged on May 8, 1887 for
taking part with a student's revolutionary movement who
attempted to assassinate the czar or the ruler
of Russia.
Upon reading the news of his brother Alexander's
death, Lenin slammed the newspaper to the floor
and swore this oath, I will get them,
I will get them.
Beyond any doubt, these two deep experiences in
young Lenin as a lad 16 and 17
years of age helped to mold him into
becoming the gangster and the mass murderer, the
father of the establishment of communism in Russia
and the world that he was to become.
Later on in life, Lenin received the degree
of law.
Historians tell us that he practiced ten cases
and lost all but one.
He soon gave up his would-be talent
as a lawyer.
At the age of 18, however, the poisonous
books left by Marx and Engels began to
find their way into the hands of young,
determined Lenin.
He began to hold Marxist classes in his
mother's home.
His own brothers and sisters were his first
students.
In his latter teenage years, Lenin became a
convinced Marxist.
He believed what Marxists had left his disciples,
the verbal legacy that a revolution was coming.
It was coming, and you must join in
and take your slice of the revolutionary cake
when the revolution comes.
Years later, while in banishment from Moscow in
May 1889, in the Siberian town of Shushinskoye,
he met and married a young woman named
Nadezhda Kropeskaya.
She became Mrs. V.
I.
Ulyanov Lenin.
Lenin and his young wife were released from
banishment and found their way soon to the
city of London, England.
In the year 1903, while in London with
his wife, Lenin received news that a certain
political organization were holding a meeting in the
Trade Union Hall in London.
Lenin was very excited upon hearing this news.
This group meeting were called the Russian Social
Democratic Labor Party.
This long and sophisticated-sounding title, by interpretation,
simply means that the Marxist disciples, those who
had been given the doctrine that the revolution
was coming, it was this very organization, the
old comrades and pals and disciples of Marx
and Engels themselves, under the title of the
Russian Social Democratic Labor Party, were holding an
annual meeting in London, England.
And who should be in the city the
same time but Lenin himself.
Lenin had longed to meet the disciples of
the late Marx and Engels.
He had read the books of Marx and
Engels as a lad, 18 years old, just
mentioned in this lecture.
He became a convinced Marxist and now he
had the life's privilege of meeting the very
disciples of Marx themselves at this meeting in
London.
To be sure, he was there.
It is at this point that the waning,
waxing, discouraged followers of Marx and Lenin were
introduced to a man named Lenin.
It is at this point that Lenin met
his long admired and beloved Marxist heroes.
In this meeting, in London, August 1903, young
Lenin longed for an opportunity to speak to
the over 400 delegates present.
Finally, his opportunity, his golden hour, arrived.
Lenin had observed how discouraged and even disillusioned
many of these followers of Marxism were.
And they had reason to be so.
Marx had drilled them with the philosophy that,
just wait, the revolution is coming.
It will be a natural thing.
There's nothing you can do to speed it
up or slow it down.
It will come naturally.
Most of these men had lived many years
and their lives were almost finished.
And for sure, many of them were thinking,
if the revolution doesn't hurry, we'll be dead.
Is it coming or is it not?
Was the Marxist philosophy right or wrong?
What should we do?
And it was before this group of waning,
waxing followers of the philosophy of Marxism, that
the revolution was coming naturally, that young Lenin
wanted to stand and speak.
Lenin himself, being a dedicated Marxist, had some
new ideas that he would like to add
to Marxist philosophy.
Finally, on about the 23rd session of this
meeting of political gangsters, Lenin was given the
floor to speak.
And it was at this point that Lenin
projected into the waning, dying Marxist thought a
new life.
He injected into it a life that has
caused it to become the international conspiracy that
it is at this present moment.
Something that's keeping the entire world in unrest.
A few years before being released from banishment
in Shishunsky, Lenin spent much of his time
feverishly and dedicatedly writing with pen, paper and
ink.
During these final years of banishment from Moscow,
he was preparing a booklet named What Is
To Be Done?
It is almost the Bible of the Communist
Party today.
It was from this booklet that Lenin stood
and read to the delegates present at this
Russian Social Democratic Labor Party.
Lenin's words went something like this, Comrades, we
are Marxist.
Comrade Marx left us a legacy.
He revealed to us the class struggle.
He has left us the truth that eventually
there is coming a showdown between the worker
and the ownership class.
Between the proletariat and the bourgeois.
This struggle must be turned into a revolution.
The revolution, the struggle both will come naturally.
And Lenin said this is what Marx has
left us.
And it was at this point that he
very cunningly and carefully put into Marxist philosophy
something new.
Lenin said Comrades, though everything Marx said was
true, there was one point that he did
not consider.
And that is since his days things have
changed.
The conditions have changed in America.
They've changed in England.
They've changed in Europe.
Today we must face the fact that Comrade
Marx did not see this.
This is not an alteration to his doctrine
but rather an addition.
Comrade Marx did not see that these nations
would have a secure grip upon the worker
and the revolution would not come naturally.
It was at this point that Lenin said
there are several things that we must add
to the philosophy of Marxism.
And upon the addition of these new points
then we will have our revolution.
It will come as we have so long
desired.
The first contribution and addition that Lenin added
to Marxism was what he called the need
for a party or an organization.
Prior to Lenin's contribution to Marxist philosophy there
was a loosely knit organization drifting about Europe
and England accomplishing much of nothing.
But now Lenin began to speak and he
said I have a plan for an organization.
We must reorganize ourselves into a mass of
solidarity.
And Lenin began to read his proposals for
organization from his booklet drawn up previously during
Siberian banishment in a booklet called What Is
To Be Done.
Lenin's proposals for new firm organization went something
like this.
He said comrades we want a tiny handful
of trained, dedicated, disciplined, informed, equipped followers.
Each member of this new organization of Marxism
each member must be willing to start at
the bottom and they must struggle and wrestle
and fight and plan their way to the
top Only by years of testing, of harassment,
of arrest even imprisonment and even death will
we prove these individuals.
Lenin's motto was we want fewer but better.
Lenin refused and disdained the idea of a
huge large mass organization of millions everywhere who
no one could control with typical satanic communist
planning and genius Lenin shouted the call for
fewer but better.
Perhaps we Christians could take a lesson from
this.
In the average church in the western free
world the pastor gets more and worser.
The more memberships there are the more additions,
the more the church is growing and usually,
many times, these things considered blessings turn into
the curses.
Not so with Red Thinking.
Lenin said we want a tiny handful starting
at the bottom, struggling to the top.
Fewer but better.
This tiny handful must be willing to take
orders from one or two at the top
without ever knowing who these one or two
are and in case these individuals are arrested
they cannot betray the one or two at
the top and these two top men can
continue giving directives and can keep the organization
moving and in living operation.
Lenin said this party was to have an
internal and unbreakable unity that would forever bind
it together.
This party would speak with one voice and
would obey and march to the orders of
one command.
This was Lenin's proposal to these discouraged Marxists
who had waited so long for their cherished
revolution to come naturally.
But it did not come.
And believe me, my listeners that these Marxists
were quick to take up the proposals of
young Lenin.
They reflected over the past and they agreed
that things had changed since the death of
comrade Marx.
They agreed that the revolution would not come
naturally that we must have a militantly carefully
organized party that would work to bring about
the revolution at their own selected time.
But there was another suggestion that Lenin projected
not only the need for an organization but
he told them a special plan whereby this
newly organized communist party would be unbreakable that
though they would suffer arrest the firing squad,
the hangman's noose they would not be shattered.
They could continue on.
And if they were willing to follow his
suggestion the communist party would be cemented together
with an unbreakable unity.
The secret of communist unity has puzzled thousands
of Christians and of people all over the
world.
In my own work in our question times
I've had some of the biggest intellectuals in
the country stand and say but what is
it that keeps communism together?
What is the secret of its unbreakable unity?
It can be smashed and scattered by the
security its agents can be sentenced and shot
and hanged and vanished in exile and yet
it dogs on faithfully.
What is the secret of the unity of
the communist party?
This secret was projected into the Marxist group
by Lenin back in 1903.
His name for it is quote, democratic centralism.
This is a choice title a beloved term
in the vocabulary of any genuine communist.
Democratic centralism.
This democratic centralism is the very secret the
very thing that has wielded and bound the
communist conspiracy together through unbelievable problems losses,
difficulties.
It stays together and it marches on.
Democratic centralism is the chain that binds the
devilish communist conspiracy together.
But what is it?
How does it work?
The communist party is set up like a
huge pyramid.
We're familiar with the pyramids of Egypt.
Starting from the bottom layer and going upwards.
Each world communist party is allowed to elect
a representative in the bottom layers.
To represent it at a higher meeting at
the higher levels.
Finally it all moves up and in to
the top and smaller levels of the pyramid.
And as we get to the top of
course there is the Politburo which consists of
several hundred men.
Naturally these men cannot meet every weekend for
a discussion.
And finally we get to the top stone
on the pyramid of the communist party.
And this top stone as far as Russian
communism is concerned is none other than Leonid
Brezhnev the present chairman of the communist party
of the Soviet Union.
And he makes the final decisions.
The democratic part often deceives gullible uninformed people
into thinking there is something of democracy left
in this devilish and fiendish system.
The democratic part is simply this that the
communist party on the bottom deck of the
huge pyramid has the democratic right to elect
a representative to find out what's going on
in the higher strata or levels.
Every decision that is reached from the top
levels is in turn passed back down through
every division of the communist apparatus worldwide.
And the decisions that are reached are binding
upon every party member.
In short, democratic centralism simply means this.
Every communist party member is fully committed to
believe and obey every order he or she
receives from the higher echelon, the higher levels.
To obey without question or hesitation.
To obey with a wholehearted sense of dedication
and loyalty.
The order has been decided on from the
top.
It is imperative and binding upon every member
from the top to the bottom.
Hence, this system, viciously carried out, has given
the communist party the unity that so amazes
the millions who wonder of it today.
Some few years ago, in the country of
Australia, a fierce battle raged in the annual
meeting of the Australian Communist Party.
This occurs often in various communist parties of
the free world.
During this fierce battle and struggle, one of
the top members who had served the Australian
Communist Party for many years was kicked out.
Many individuals, upon reading and hearing this, said,
see, the thing is collapsing.
It's beginning to decay.
They're fighting and having faction and division from
within.
However, my friends, here is an erroneous notion
we must correct.
Each time a national communist organization or a
world communist organization meets together, and some top,
lifelong member is suddenly expelled in shame and
humility from the party, this is not a
sign of weakness.
It is a sign of unity.
He has only been removed from higher echelon,
higher position, because those above him feel he
can no longer be trusted.
It would be good to add at this
point that the battle and the argument going
on between China and Russia at the present
moment is not a war and an argument
concerning communism.
It is an argument as to how it
should be implemented.
Both China and Russia are still dedicated, lifelong
Marxist-Leninists pursuing themselves to the final aim
of world conquest.
China says destroy everybody now, and Russia says
deceive step by step, and they will fall
into our hands as an overripe fruit.
At this meeting of the Russian Social Democratic
Labour Party in London, young Lenin suggested an
organization, an organization built along the principles of
democratic centralism, the thing that keeps them together
with an unbreakable unity.
Other world dictators have studied and have seen
the genius of Lenin's organizational plans, and they
have naturally borrowed from them to create their
own national parties under their full control.
A man by the name of Benito Mussolini,
he took Lenin's principle of democratic centralism and
came up with his Fascist Party of Italy.
Another man in Germany by the name of
Schickelgruber, or better, Adolf Hitler, he saw the
cunning in Lenin's operational and organizational plans, and
he borrowed Lenin's principles and organized his famous
National Socialist Workers' Party of Germany.
He also took the fake document The Protocols
of the Elders of Zion and palmed it
off on the German people and received from
this their cooperation in bringing about the slaughter
of approximately 6 million Jews.
So through history, not only did Lenin's democratic
centralism and not only has it worked with
the Communist Party up to this moment, but
it worked with a madman named Mussolini, and
another by the name of Hitler.
Both Mussolini and Hitler used Lenin's fiendish, cruel
method to organize their dangerous powers.
Both were simply a subdivision of Lenin's Bolshevik
democratic centralism.
Hence we see at this meeting of the
discouraged Marxist disciples in London in 1903, young
Vladimir Ilyich Lenin projected into the feigning discouraged
body an idea.
The idea of a militantly lined organization being
held together on the cherished principles of democratic
centralism.
Had there not been a Lenin, had there
not been a man named Lenin, there would
not be in all probability international communism today.
It's all because there was a man named
Lenin who was turned away from the faith
as a teenage boy.
Friends, what lesson do we receive from this
today?
I'm glad to say that history has produced
other men.
There was a man who came to earth
almost 2,000 years ago.
A man named Jesus, born of a virgin
in a manger in Bethlehem.
The prophet Isaiah said a man shall be
a cover from the storm, a refuge from
the heat in the days of trouble.
This man is the man Jesus.
We of Christian mission to the communist world,
we are not only interested in presenting documented,
factual lectures of this nature in order that
you might know the enemy, that you might
not move in the pale of ignorance, but
from the bliss of accurate information.
We're not only interested in that, but above
everything else, we're interested in presenting to you
the man called Jesus.
Do you know this Jesus as your own?
I know that many of you listen to
this type of lecturing because you are strictly
anti-communist.
Many people tell me I'm with you in
the battle against communism, but I have no
time for religion.
Well, I'm always happy to say to these
people, my friend, we're not peddling religion.
We're presenting to you the resurrected living son
of God, Jesus Christ, trusting that you will
repent of your sins and by faith receive
this man called Jesus into your own life
as your personal savior.
This is where life begins.
What will you do with this Christ?
This Jesus?
In the closing moments of this recording, would
you consider the possibility of being a great
anti-communist all your life and then dying
without Christ at life's end?
What a foolish choice.
The benediction could be said over you as
Jesus said over the traitor Judas.
Better had this person never been born.
Friend, would you trust this Christ as your
own personal savior?
As we've studied the devastation and the heartache
brought by a man called Lenin.
So there is the forgiveness of sins, the
peace and the everlasting life contrasted, brought to
earth by a man called Jesus.